Cholodoeus Rex Bellorum - the battles of Tolbiac, Vouille and the death of Clovis.
506 The Battle of Tolbiac.
Alaric settled into peace well, and after dealing with the the last
of the rebellions in his Spanish territory in 506, he called his
first Aquitanian Religious Council at Agde. There he courted the
support of Catholic Bishops and elsewhere promulgated new laws (Wood
p.146). The Arians were actually very sympathetic towards Catholicism
in their territories at this time, the purges of Euric long in the
past; Gregory's picture of them totally at odds with the evidence.
Clovis by this time had turned north-eastwards again as the Allemani
had by then become a problem in the Frankish Germanic provinces and
needed action. In concert with other Frankish kings, like Sigibert of
Cologne in Germania Secunda, he fought one major battle at Zulpich
near Cologne, otherwise known as the Battle of Tolbiac against
the Alamanni, defeating them after a hard struggle and killing their
king. Sigibert's leg was injured in this battle and he became known
as Sigibert the Lame.
Archaeology supports placing the battle at this time. In the early
sixth century bow brooches of the developed Alamannic base form also
appeared on the left side of the Rhine, in Francia. These could be
termed Alamannic-Frankish and were apparently worn by Alamannic, as
well as Frankish women. This basic form was then evident from the
Seine to eastern Bavaria, showing how Frankish and Alamannic dress
merged in upper class women.
Gregory claims that Clovis, during a difficult time in this battle,
asked for help from Christ and that victory came from this request
and that Clovis subsequently converted to Catholicism soon after. I
think this can now be safely dispatched to the graveyard of
hagiographical invention. Shanzer has shown that Gregory did not even
know when the battle was.
We could however suggest that there may have been a tradition, after
the battle, that as a Catholic king, Clovis did indeed ask for help
from his Christian God. If so, Gregory just used this anecdote to
link it with his created baptism story.
GC518 places the battle of Tolbiac in the fifteenth year of
Clovis which is 503, just two or three years out of place, but CC511
in 496, which as many scholars have noted, is woefully unsupported.
Theoderic congratulated Clovis on this victory over the Alamanni in a
letter composed by Cassiodorus in early 507 but asked Clovis to show
leniency towards the survivors and refugees who had fled to
Theoderic's territory and to refrain from attacking them further in a
veiled threat :
Theoderic to Luduin, King the Franks.
“Congratulations
on your recent victories over the Alamanni. The ties of affinity
between us are powerful (Theodoric having married the sister of
Clovis). You have stirred up the nation of the Franks to new and
successful encounters. It is a memorable triumph that the impetuous
Alaman should be struck with such terror as even to beg for his life.
Let it suffice that that King with all the pride of his race should
have fallen: let it suffice that an innumerable people should have
been doomed either to the sword or to slavery. I recommends that your
men do not harm the panic-stricken refugees who have fled to my
lands. I have always found that those wars were prosperously waged,
which were ended moderately.”
Gregory must have known this as he
states : " When the
king had forbidden further war,
and praised his soldiers, he told the queen how he had won the
victory by calling on the name of Christ”
Theoderic appears to have
settled the Alamanni in Rhetia, a province just north of Italy.
507. The Battle of Vouillé.
With the defeat of the Alamans Clovis marched back into Gaul in 507
intent on taking on the Visigoths with the help of his grateful
Frankish allies like Chloderic, the son of Sigibert the Lame.
Mathisen and Sivan suggest that Clovis launched the offensive in the
spring of 507 because Clovis had trouble crossing the river Vienne
due to heavy rains and one of Clovis' soldiers was punished for
stealing hay from a poor man in Tours, which would not have been a
problem in the summer.
However, following the battle Clovis had wintered in Bordeaux before
taking Anguoeleme and Toulouse in 508 and Gundobad had not reached
Barcelona until 508 as well. If they had attacked in the Spring
surely Clovis would have had time to take Toulouse and Anguoeleme
unless we envisage a long siege of Bordeaux, which is not evident
from the record. So although spring seems plausible an autumn or
winter offensive cannot be ruled out, especially as Clovis would have
recently defeated the Alamanni possibly in late 506 or early 507.
King Theoderic wrote to Clovis trying to prevent the war :
Theoderic to Luduin, King the Franks.
“The affinities of kings ought to keep their subjects from the
plague of war. We are grieved to hear of the paltry causes which are
giving rise to rumours of war between you and our son Alaric,
rumours which gladden the hearts of the enemies of both of you. Let
me say with all frankness, but with all affection, just what I think:
"It is the act of a passionate man to get his troops ready for
action at the first embassy which he sends." Instead of that
refer the matter to our arbitration. It would be a delight to me to
choose men capable of mediating between you. What would you
yourselves think of me if I could hear unmoved of your murderous
intentions towards one another? Away with this conflict, in which one
of you will probably be utterly destroyed. Throw away the sword which
you wield for my humiliation. By what right do I thus threaten you?
By the right of a father and a friend. He who shall despise this
advice of ours will have to reckon us and our friends as his
adversaries. I send two ambassadors to you, as I have to my son
Alaric, and hope that they may be able so to arrange matters that no
alien malignity may sow the seeds of dissension between you, and that
your nations, which under your fathers have long enjoyed the
blessings of peace, may not now be laid waste by sudden collision.
You ought to believe him who, as you know, has rejoiced in your
prosperity. No true friend is he who launches his associates,
un-warned, into the headlong dangers of war.”
The argument between Alaric and
Clovis, according to Theoderic, was a “paltry matter”
and may have been the substandard debased coinage that Alaric had
paid his tribute with. Alternatively it could have been Alaric's
propensity to exile Catholic Bishops from Tours into captivity and
death. In 507 Verus had suffered a similar fate to his predecessor
Volusianus ten years earlier. Clovis was now Catholic and held Tours
in great regard as Gregory implies and if Alaric had reneged on a
pledge to treat the catholic Bishops with respect Clovis may have
used this event as a cause for war. Theoderic also wrote to Alaric
trying to prevent the war:
Theoderic to
Alaric, King of the Visigoths
“Surrounded as
you are by an innumerable multitude of subjects, and strong in the
remembrance of their having turned back Attila, still do not fight
with Clovis. War is a terrible thing, and a terrible risk. The long
peace may have softened the hearts of your people, and your soldiers
from want of practice may have lost the habit of working together on
the battlefield. Ere yet blood is shed, draw back if possible. We are
sending ambassadors to the King of the Franks to try to prevent this
war between our relatives; and the ambassadors whom we are sending to
you will go on to Gundibad, King of the Burgundians, to get him to
interpose on behalf of peace. Your enemy will be mine also.”
Clovis appears to have approached
Gundobad with an alliance, promising a division of Aquitanian
possessions. This would explain the silence by Gundobad when
Theoderic wrote to him in 507 trying to avert war. In this letter
Theoderic repeats the arguments about the ill effects of war and
says that it is Theoderic's part to moderate the angry impulses of
'regii juvenes.' As
well as trying to enrol Gundobad against Clovis, Theoderic also wrote
to the Thuringians,
Warni and Heruli seeking an alliance :
Theoderic to the
Kings of the Heruli, Warni and Thuringians.
“If Clovis
succeeds in his unprovoked aggression on Alaric, none of his
neighbours will be safe. 'I will tell you just what I think: he who
inclines to act without law is prepared to shake the kingdoms of all
of us. 'Remember how often Alaric's father Euric gave you presents
and staved off war from your borders. Repay to the son the kindness
of the father. I send you two ambassadors, and I want you to join
your representations to mine and Gundibad's, calling on Clovis to
desist from his attacks on Alaric and seek redress from the law of
nations, or else expect the combined attack of all of us, for this
quarrel is really the quarrel of us all.”
Theoderic's efforts were to no avail, Clovis and Gundobad would
launch a two pronged attack. Gundobad would attack southern
Visigothic possessions in Provence and Narbonensis and Clovis would
approach from the north to meet Alaric at Poitiers. Theoderic, tied
up in Italy with the approach of a Byzantine fleet that harried the
coast, could not help Alaric.
Before progressing to the battle, Clovis issued orders that protected
Catholic Church lands and the rights of Bishops and this letter is
further confirmation he was already a baptised Catholic. He wrote to
them in around 508 to remind them of his orders :
King Clovis to the saint seigneurs and to the bishops very
dignified by the apostolic see.
“The news having
been announced concerning that which was done and ordered to all our
army, before we entered the homeland of the Goths, this could not
have escaped Your Beatitude.
Firstly, we order,
in that which concerns the service of all the churches, that nobody
should try to take away in any way either saint nuns or the widows of
which we know that they were dedicated to the service of the Lord;
that it may be the same for the clerics and the children of the
aforementioned, both of clerics and of widows of which we know that
they reside with them in their homes; the same, for the slaves of
churches for whom it will be proven by the oaths of bishops that they
were taken from the churches, the order to follow is to exercise no
harm or violence towards them.
This is why we
order, so that all this may be well known, that whoever among the
aforementioned will have suffered the violence of captivity, either
in the churches or outside of them, be totally and immediately given
back. For the other lay prisoners that will have been taken outside
of peace and that this be proven, we will not refuse letters written
upon your decision for whom you will desire it. In effect, for those
that will have been seized in our peace whether clerics or laymen, if
you make it known to be true by letters signed with your seals, may
they may be sent to us in any way and you will learn that the orders
issued by us will confirm it.
Thus our people
demand that, for all those that you judge worthy of your letters, you
will not hesitate to say under oath in the name of God and with your
benediction that this thing is true that needed to be proved, since
the variations and falsifications of many were discovered to the
point that, as it is written: “the just perish with the impious”.
Pray for me, saint seigneurs and very dignified fathers by the
apostolic see.”
Whether Alaric split his forces and hence lost the battle to Clovis
due to this two pronged attack is unknown but he called upon the
Auvernians to help, and the Catholic Apollinaris arrived with a force
from Clermont to aid the Arian Visigoths at Vouillé. Clearly not a
war of religion then. The Auvernians were slaughtered but Apollinaris
escaped. Clovis at the tenth milestone from Poitiers,
crossed a river and prepared for battle. According to Gregory the
armies held off for a while as they skirmished. Eventually battle was
joined and the Visigoths with their allies soundly beaten. Alaric was
killed in the engagement by Clovis but then Clovis himself was nearly
killed by two Visigoths who struck at him with their lances.
His armour saved him, but injured, he was able to withdraw thanks to
his fast horse.
The Burgundians took the cities of Provence (although Arles held out)
and went into Spanish territory as far as Barcelona by 508. Clovis,
taking Poitiers progressed southwards taking Bordeaux. He then
wintered in Bordeaux, a very cold one where rivers all over Gaul
froze, before taking Anguoeleme and Toulouse in 508. Gregory relates
that the walls of Anguoeleme fell down as Clovis approached.
There was indeed a major earthquake in early 508 in northern Italy
that may have been felt as far away as the Aquitanian fault around
Anguoeleme. The Gallic Chronicle of 511 puts it this way :
“Alaric, King of
the Goths, was killed by the Franks. Toulouse was burned by the
Franks and Burgundians and Barcelona was taken by Gundobad, king of
the Burgundians. King Gesalicus returned to Spain, his forces having
experienced their worse defeat.”
According to Gregory, after Vouillé Clovis sent his son Theuderic to
claim Albi, Rodez and Clermont for the Franks.
Dating Vouillé
How did the date for Vouille get so confused. Gregory in CC511 gives the correct 25th year so, 507. But the proposed
interpolator's scheme to moved these events into a different
time-scale. The date for the battle of Vouillé is very secure. The
Gallic chronicle of 511 doesn't give dates, but places the battle
before 511.
The fragmented Chronicle
of Saragossa, which only exists
as marginal notes in the chronicles of Victor of Tunnuna and John of
Biclarum,
bases its dates at this time on consular years and places Vouillé
in 507. Other circumstantial evidence comes from the actions of King
Theoderic, who successfully launched retaliatory attacks from mid 509
onwards against the new Burgundian and Frankish possessions in
southern Gaul and Spain. By 511 he had taken over the regency of the
Visigothic empire in Spain. The new Visigothic King Gessalic, the
illegitimate son of Alaric, exiled in 508, had returned at this time
but was then captured and killed by Theoderic. Theoderic had
supported the other son of Alaric, the juvenile Amalaric, his
grandson, but he was too young to rule. Also, Alaric had called for a
synod at Toulouse in 507/8 which never took place. The earthquake
that shook Anguoeleme in 508 is also evidence. There can be no
question then that the battle took place in 507.
So why was there an effort to move
the battle to 513? There were probably several reasons. The first
answer may lie in efforts to confirm when Clovis was awarded the
honorary consulate; the second, for it to agree with the interpolated
five year segments, and the third, to hide the defeat of Clovis by
the Arian Theoderic and his death in 511. Gregory states that
Anastasius awarded the Consulate soon after the battle. The only year
available in the west with no consul was 514. Cassiodorus, who on
Theoderic's behalf had tried to prevent the war, was the eastern
consul. Did the interpolator therefore have a consular list and
decided to move it to 513/14 to satisfy his desire to place Clovis'
subsequent `consulship'
in an empty year?
He further states that the battle took place around the twenty-fifth
year of Clovis' reign, which would be 513 in the interpolated
chronology. The five year segments were the fifth year Syagrius,
tenth year Thuringians, fifteenth year Alamanni and twenty-fifth
Vouillé. He obviously missed out the twentieth year, 509, which
would actually have been much closer to the real date for Vouillé.
Why? Because this was the year Clovis was defeated by the Arian
Theoderic in southern Gaul. As Clovis was being portrayed as the
Catholic saviour and defeater of Arianism, he had to hide this
defeat. In doing so Vouillé was sent to a position six years later,
but this would create an hiatus in the chronology and cause much
confusion.
508 Honorary Consulship and Patriciate
Gregory tells us that after the battle of Vouillé, Clovis was
awarded an honorary consulate. By this time Clovis was in Tours near
the Loire :
“Clovis received
an appointment to the consulship from the emperor Anastasius, and in
the church of the blessed Martin he clad himself in the purple tunic
and chlamys, and placed a diadem on his head. Then he mounted his
horse, and in the most generous manner he gave gold and silver as he
passed along the way which is between the gate of the entrance [of
the church of St. Martin] and the church of the city, scattering it
among the people who were there with his own hand, and from that day
he was called consul or Augustus. Leaving Tours he went to Paris and
there he established the seat of his kingdom. There also Theuderic
came to him”
Mathisen has argued that it would have included a Patricianship,
suggesting that Clovis would need to be ranked as high or higher than
Gundobad who had been awarded the Patriciate and this may well be the
case.
Mathisen also successfully deals with the diadem sent to pope
Hormisdas by Clovis, showing it was an invention on Hincmar's part, that
subsequently found it's way into the Liber Pontificalis.
509. The revenge of Theoderic
Following the battle of Vouillé, King Theoderic sent his armies in
late June 509 to retake the cities in Provence and Narbonensis,
writing a stirring letter to his countrymen, here is a part :
Theoderic to all
the Goths
“To the Goths a
hint of war rather than persuasion to the strife is needed, since a
warlike race such as ours delights to prove its courage. In truth, he
shuns no labour who hungers for the renown of valour. Therefore with
the help of God, whose blessing alone brings prosperity, we design to
send our army to the Gauls for the common benefit of all, that you
may have an opportunity of promotion, and we the power of testing
your merits; for in time of peace the courage which we admire lies
hidden, and when men have no chance of showing what is in them, their
relative merits are concealed. We have therefore given our commander,
Nandius, instructions to warn you that, on the eighth day before the
kalends of next July, you move forward to the campaign in the name of
God, sufficiently equipped, according to your old custom, with
horses, arms, and every requisite for war. Thus will ye at the same
time show that the old valour of your sires yet dwells in your
hearts, and also successfully perform your King's command...”
The Burgundians bore the brunt of his anger losing not only Provence
but territory in Burgundy. Clovis though appears to have hung onto
his central possessions and Bordeaux. In 509 Clovis would have been
busy defending as best he could his new Gallic possession against the
wrath of Theoderic and having lost them returned to the north.
Theoderic though appears to have abated once Provence and Narbonensis
were re-taken, preventing Clovis direct access to the Mediterranean.
He rewarded the citizens of Arles for their stoic defence and rebuilt
other cities. Theoderic then in 510-511 exempted citizens of the
newly repossessed provinces from tax. This shows the recovery of
those provinces must have happened between June 509 and August 510:
King Theoderic to
all the Provincials settled in Gaul.
“We wish promptly
to relieve all the distresses of our subjects, and we therefore at
once announce to you that the districts ravaged by the incursions of
the enemy will not be called upon to pay tribute at the fourth
Indiction [Sept. 510, to Aug. 511]. For we have no pleasure in
receiving what is paid by a heavy-hearted contributor. The part of
the country, however, which has been untouched by the enemy will have
to contribute to the expense of our army. But a hungry defender is a
weak defender.”
For his part, Clovis had made Paris the new capital of his expanded
Kingdom in 508 and his son Theuderic joined him there.
511. The Council of Orleans
After 509/10, with no further aggression from Theoderic, Clovis was
to emulate Alaric and hold his first religious council at Orleans in
511. Inviting Bishops from many of his new Aquitanian possessions as
well as those from the provinces of the three Lugdunensi and southern
Belgica II he formulated with them how Arian churches would be
converted and incorporated into the Catholic system of
administration. After the successful council and the establishment of
new
Salic laws to deal with his expanded Frankish empire,
Clovis then turned to establishing himself as the only
King of the
Franks. He was certainly “king by right of war”. This leaves
a particular problem. How would Clovis conceivably fit in the
consolidation of his empire as described by Gregory, where he kills
off all the other kings and his relatives? We have seen that in
508/9 he was organising his victory and honorary Consulship at Tours
and in 509 he was defending and losing his Aquitanian possessions to
Theoderic, then by 510 was organising events that culminated in the
Council of Orleans in 511. He was now at the height of his power,
conqueror of Gaul and leader of an empire that would give birth to
modern day France. Remigius commented that Clovis was “
Regionum
Praesul, custus patriae, gentium triumphato”
– Leader of the
Provinces, protector of his country, celebrated by his people.
Attendees at the First Council of Orleans in 511
Bishops in bold attended the second council of Orleans
in 533.
Civitatis
|
Bishop
|
Ambiani (Amiens)
|
Edibius
|
Andecavis (Angers)
|
Eustochius
|
Ecolisnum (Angoulême)
|
Lupicinius
|
Auscis (Auch)
|
Nicetius
|
Autissiodoro (Auxerre)
|
Theodosius
|
Abrincates (Avranches)
|
Nepus
|
Burdegala (Bordeaux)
|
Cyprianus
|
Betoregas (Bourges)
|
Tetradius
|
Cadurcis (Cahors)
|
Boetius
|
Carnotis (Chartres)
|
Aventinus
|
Arvernis (Clermont)
|
Eufrasius
|
Constantia (Coutances)
|
Leontianus
|
Elosa (Eauze)
|
Leontius
|
Ebroicas (Évreux)
|
Maurusio
|
Cenomannis (Le Mans)
|
Principius
|
Nammetis (Nantes)
|
Epiphanius
|
Veromandui (Noyon)
|
Sophronius
|
Aurelianis (Orléans)
|
Eusebius
|
Oxommo (Uxuma)
|
Litharedus
|
Parisius (Paris)
|
Heraclius
|
Petrocoriis (Périgueux)
|
Cronopius
|
Redonis (Rennes)
|
Melanius
|
Rutenis (Rodez)
|
Quintianus
|
Rotomo (Rouen)
|
Gildaredus
|
Sanctonis (Saintes)
|
Petrus
|
Silvanectis (Senlis)
|
Livanius
|
Suessionis (Soissons)
|
Lupus
|
Turonus (Tours)
|
Licinius
|
Trecas (Troyes)
|
Camilianus
|
Vasaticae (Bazas)
|
Sextilius
|
Veneticae (Vannes)
|
Modestus
|
Pectavae (Poitier)
|
Adelphius
|
511. The Death of Clovis, aged 38.
No Bishops from northern Belgica Secunda, Belgica Prima or Germania
Secunda attended the Council in 511 showing that at that time they
were not within his jurisdiction. So he, or someone, certainly did
have to bring these territories under his power for them to be passed
on to Theuderic his son. Gregory portrays these events as happening
in the later years of his life but there are no later years in CC511
chronology to fit them in after 511. The answer may be that he had
already bequeathed those territories to Theuderic before 511 and so
they were now in his jurisdiction but why would he prevent Bishops
going to the Council of his father? So we are left with only one
option, Clovis did not undertake this consolidation mentioned by
Gregory and this was instead carried out by his son Theuderic. It's
possible Clovis had started the offensive with his son in 511 but was
killed in an early battle with one of the kings. We know that by 521
Theuderic ruled these regions with his son Theudebert, as Danes under
Chlochiliac had invaded and the young valiant Theudebert saw them off
in a sea battle.
It has always seemed a little strange that Clovis, a good Catholic
king who had defended the faith successfully would then turn on his
very kin that had brought him to power. Take away these questionable
consolidations, that surely would have been mentioned in letters,
especially the one where Remigius and Clovis are criticised,
and we are left with a good Christian king who strove to extend his
Catholic kingdom, defeating pagans and Arian Visigoths along the way. In any event Clovis would not need to remove his relatives as he was the heriditary king of the Franks by rights anyway. This had been clear since the time of Chlodio when his two sons chose their alliances on his death. I proposed Childeric had inherited the kingship from Chlodio, and from Childeric so did Clovis.
There is an hiatus in the work of Gregory between 511 and 516
and it must have been during this period that Theuderic and his borthers consolidated
the Belgic and Germanic provinces under their rule. Gregory does not
portray Theuderic in a good light following the death of Clovis,
whereas he lavishes praise on Theudebert his son. This goes beyond
the mere illegitimacy of Theuderic due to his concubine mother and
suggests Gregory took these consolidations and applied them to Clovis
to enlarge his accomplishments and in so doing lessen Theuderic's,
weaving tales of sin and morals to pass on to his readers.
Theuderic's ruthlessness was also evident later in the 530's when he
laid waste the Auvergne in revenge for them accidentally inviting in
Childeric due to a rumour that Theuderic had been killed in battle.
Whether the consolidation happened the way Gregory relates is
unlikely. Clovis' other children were too young to take part in this
consolidation except perhaps Chlodomer, the eldest, who was around
seventeen. For these reasons I will leave out the story of the
consolidation as portrayed by Gregory. In reality most of the Kings,
like Clovis, had probably passed away by this time and possibly sons
too in the many battles. With many of them actual relatives of
Clovis, the next in line to the portions of those territories could
have fallen to one of Clovis' sons. If so Theudebert was quick to
assert his authority and expand his kingdom eastwards.
Neither Gregory, or any other source, mentions how Clovis died. He
had made many enemies on his way to total power. He would be about thirty-eight years of age. The only possibilities are that he died as a
result of his wars against the other northern kings, as above, or he
suffered an illness and died, or that he was assassinated, usually by
poison, a typical Roman execution. That Gregory is silent about his
death suggests that he died as a result of war against pagans or war
or poisoning by Arians, Theoderic the Great comes to mind. Take your
pick.
Posts
